Qi Huishen never expected that the reason Chen Ke urgently called him back to Fengtai County was to conduct the first political review work. He expected even less that the object he had to review was actually Wu Xingchen. Political review was not a particularly strange treatment for the current People's Party. As the number of People's Party members continued to increase, in addition to the insurance measure of "joint liability" of the introducer, the People's Party also re-conducted the "political review" of Party members. Throughout the People's Party, except for Chen Ke, all Party members and probationary Party members underwent preliminary political reviews by the People's Internal Affairs Committee. Chen Ke, who set an example in other matters, extremely rarely requested the People's Internal Affairs Committee not to conduct a political review on himself. He stated that he could disclose any information about himself after May 1905. But for information before 1905, Chen Ke really couldn't cooperate.

The People's Internal Affairs Committee led by Qi Huishen had not planned to conduct any political review on Chen Ke. Although Chen Ke's words aroused various curiosities in the Internal Affairs Committee, everyone only dared to guess privately; no one really dared to violate Chen Ke's will. Of course, Chen Ke also provided information such as name, gender, nationality, and native place. These basic materials were enough to deal with outsiders.

The political reviews that had been conducted were all primary reviews for basic data collection. Holding a political review for the purpose of "loyalty inspection" was the first time in the base area. Qi Huishen had no experience with this. After listening to Chen Ke's introduction of the task, he asked somewhat awkwardly, "Chairman Chen, what purpose does this review aim to achieve?"

Chen Ke's answer was concise and to the point. "Since it is a loyalty inspection, the purpose is to determine that Comrade Wu Xingchen is a politically reliable comrade."

"Then just let Comrade Wu Xingchen stay and work in the base area. Why is there a need for a loyalty review?"

"Because Comrade Wu Xingchen not only hopes to be recognized by the organization but also hopes to hand over the forces he developed in Shandong to the Party organization."

Qi Huishen was even more puzzled. "Then just send someone directly to Shandong?"

"I hope to give Comrade Wu Xingchen an explanation so that he won't be considered a peripheral force. Moreover, I don't want this work to become the beginning of mountain-strongholdism (*factionalism*) within the Party. If we don't want mountain strongholds in the Party, then the persons in charge of all base areas must be appointed by the Party Central Committee. We will definitely appoint a new Party Secretary and will absolutely not let Comrade Wu Xingchen concurrently serve as the local Party Secretary. This political review is not just a review, but also a communication. Not a communication between private individuals, but a communication between Comrade Wu Xingchen as a Party member and the Party organization."

Qi Huishen asked hesitantly, "That is to say, we have to make Comrade Wu Xingchen understand that he has to step aside?"

"Not that he steps aside, but that the Party Central Committee and the People's Party Shandong Branch want to lead the local revolutionary work. Does Comrade Wu Xingchen want to choose to exist as the leader of the local progressive forces, or choose to exist as a Party member of the People's Party?"

"What's the use of relying on words for this kind of thing?" Qi Huishen was somewhat puzzled. The People's Party had not developed its own power in Shandong at all now. If Wu Xingchen only expressed his stance verbally but resisted in actual action, the significance of this stance could be said to be meaningless. The transfer of power is not a simple matter. Qi Huishen now concurrently served as the Party Secretary of the Fengyang Prefecture region; he deeply realized how difficult it was to seize real local power in less than a month.

"If there isn't even a statement of position, there is no possibility for the future. Moreover, I have a responsibility for things getting to this extent. If I had at least established contact with Shandong at that time, things wouldn't have come to this." Chen Ke frankly admitted his responsibility. "So I want to give Comrade Wu Xingchen a chance. This is also where my responsibility lies."

Since Chen Ke said so, Qi Huishen also roughly understood the gist of his work. Wu Xingchen was taken to the office of the People's Internal Affairs Committee to write a report, first explaining his experiences over the past year or so in writing. Then there would be a conversation, followed by targeted questioning. Qi Huishen had little confidence in how long Wu Xingchen could persist under questioning. With the People's Party developed to today's level, all Party members in the base area had carried out a lot of work under the direct leadership of the Party, and daily assessments had long been conducted unknowingly. Wu Xingchen had a somewhat independent flavor when in Shanghai, and had experienced alone outside for so long. Qi Huishen could imagine Chen Ke's helplessness. If Wu Xingchen insisted on returning to work in Shandong as soon as possible, his discipline would be questioned first. The organizational discipline of the People's Party emphasized "obey orders and listen to commands" most. Whether Party members did big things or small things, they had to obey the resolutions of the Party Committee. Party members could not act on their own. Wu Xingchen had undoubtedly greatly violated this discipline.

When Qi Huishen took charge of the work of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, he knew he would encounter many thorny problems in this job. He didn't expect to encounter such unpleasant work so soon. He suddenly felt that it would be better if Chen Ke personally took charge of the People's Internal Affairs Committee.

Chen Ke didn't know Qi Huishen's thoughts. Even if he knew, Chen Ke would only tell Qi Huishen that this was the division of labor in revolutionary work. Chen Ke couldn't manage all the affairs of the People's Party alone. To make this increasingly developing organization run well, Chen Ke had to distribute power gradually.

As the Chairman of the People's Party, Chen Ke found himself increasingly far from the grassroots. In the past, Chen Ke could personally stand at the forefront of work; now Chen Ke could only solve problems through reports and conversations. Regarding this, Chen Ke had to lament how much helplessness was contained in the brilliant word "Revolutionary Leader." In addition to strategic design and ideological propaganda, leaders often can only wait for results. Regardless of what the subordinates accomplished or failed to accomplish, leaders undoubtedly had to bear the responsibility of the highest leader. That is to say, the work of "taking the blame."

If it were a failed political organization in history, their tradition would be to push the responsibility to the subordinates, but Chen Ke didn't want to repeat the mistakes of these people at all. The Party in history succeeded by relying on the style of "correcting mistakes if any, eliminating counter-revolutionaries if any." Chen Ke had no idea of shirking his responsibility at all. Not only could he not shirk responsibility, but all Party members of the People's Party could not shirk responsibility.

Besides being responsible for Wu Xingchen, Chen Ke also had to face the revolutionaries from the south. Regarding inviting the "Martyrs" of Huanghuagang, Chen Ke felt he was a bit rash. At that time, the People's Party had not launched the Anqing Campaign, and the People's Party up and down didn't know much about secret societies. Plus, at that time, Chen Ke himself didn't have enough confidence; he felt that anyone with revolutionary enthusiasm should be a comrade. So Chen Ke inevitably unconsciously had an overly high judgment of those revolutionary "predecessors" who died generously.

The various "deeds" of the Yue Wang Society after occupying Anqing were collected by the People's Party's intelligence department and submitted in the past two days. Lu Zhengping and He Jinwu also returned safely after commanding the retreat of the Restoration Society. After Chen Ke understood the general situation, he was almost petrified. His confidence in the old-style revolutionaries was at an all-time low. The commendable thing about these revolutionaries might only be that they stood up when someone was needed to step forward. But Chen Ke no longer had any hope of relying on the spontaneous efforts of these people to build a strong new China.

With a different mindset, the attitude was also different. When Chen Ke met Lin Juemin and others, he unconsciously became calmer. Compared with Chen Ke's attitude, Lin Juemin, Fang Shengdong, and others appeared extremely excited. After both sides met and exchanged greetings, Fang Shengdong immediately asked excitedly, "Mr. Chen, I wonder when you plan to raise troops to overthrow the Manchu Qing?"

"Aren't we raising troops to overthrow the Manchu Qing right now?" Chen Ke poured a bucket of cold water on him.

Fang Shengdong completely misunderstood Chen Ke's meaning. He asked excitedly, "Could it be that you are going to raise troops to march north and attack Beijing, the lair of the Manchu Qing, in the near future?"

Chen Ke didn't explain much anymore. He asked straightforwardly, "Revolutionary comrades, I want to ask something. Is the purpose of your revolution to overthrow the Manchu Qing, or to save the common people and let them live a good life?"

"This..." Fang Shengdong was stumped immediately. He asked doubtfully, "Is there any difference? After overthrowing the Manchu Qing, the common people will naturally be able to live a good life."

Chen Ke looked at Fang Shengdong and others calmly. Chen Ke had spoken about this level of revolutionary principle too many times; he didn't even have excited emotions anymore. "Overthrowing the Manchu Qing is overthrowing the Manchu Qing; this is completely different from letting the common people live a good life. It's not just the Manchu Qing court that harms the people. I wrote *A Madman's Diary* just to tell everyone that the current social system eats people. If the common people want to live a good life, they have to be liberated from this system. The ancient poem says: 'Behind the vermilion gates meat and wine go to waste, while out on the road lie the bones of the frozen and starved.' 'There are no idle fields in the four seas, yet farmers still starve to death.' This is not a poem from the Manchu Qing era, but what is the difference from the China ruled by the Manchu Qing now? Just to overthrow the Manchu Qing is nothing more than toppling a Manchu Qing and standing up another dynasty. Changing the soup but not the medicine."

After hearing Chen Ke's calm words, Fang Shengdong couldn't help but praise loudly, "Well said, Mr. Chen, you said it well! That's why we want to overthrow the Manchu Qing and implement a republic! If we engage in monarchy or constitutional monarchy again, China will absolutely have no future. Only under a republican system, adopting democratic parliamentary politics, can the people have a way to live. Mr. Chen's insight is indeed extraordinary. Apart from Mr. Sun Yat-sen, I really haven't seen anyone who can explain this issue so clearly."

Hearing that he was actually compared to Sun Yat-sen, Chen Ke was very unhappy at the time. He couldn't help sneering, "Don't mention me in the same breath as Sun Dapao (Sun Cannon) and his ilk."

Seeing Chen Ke's face looking very ugly, Fang Shengdong and others were stunned one by one. Chen Ke knew these young people respected Sun Yat-sen very much. He felt there was no need to intensify unnecessary conflicts on this issue. He smiled and said, "Mr. Sun Yat-sen and I are not on the same path. There is no comparability."

"Why do you say that?" Luo Nailin asked with interest.

"Sun Yat-sen pursues power in the hope of obtaining political power and authority after overthrowing the Manchu Qing. Our People's Party first liberates the common people from the man-eating old system, and obtains power by gaining the recognition and support of the common people. The foundations of the two are completely different. So there is nothing to compare."

Luo Nailin hadn't spoken all along; even the introduction just now was done by Lin Juemin on his behalf. But hearing Chen Ke's explanation, he pursued, "Then what exactly is the difference between the two?"

"The difference is that our People's Party risks our lives for the people so that the people can obtain power. As for Mr. Sun's revolution, to put it bluntly, it is letting others risk their lives for him."

"Mr. Chen's words are a bit too harsh, aren't they?" Fang Shengdong immediately retorted excitedly.

Chen Ke couldn't bear it anymore. He retorted unceremoniously, "Then where was Mr. Sun when the people of Anhui faced the flood? He was taking his Japanese mistress around lobbying for money, wasn't he? Where was Mr. Sun when the revolutionaries launched uprisings everywhere? He was remotely commanding in Japan. Where was Mr. Sun every time faced with death? Anyway, not in a dangerous place. Our People's Party doesn't have such revolutionaries. Our People's Party stresses practical work."

Because some things hadn't happened yet, Chen Ke couldn't say more about things that hadn't happened. Sun Dapao's life, besides being keen on playing with underage girls, was about grasping power and finding financiers. And then there was mass killing of former "revolutionary comrades." The only time that could be called "facing death" was when he was in Guangdong. Chen Jiongming opposed Sun Yat-sen collecting taxes by opening opium dens and casinos, and also opposed Sun Yat-sen's Northern Expedition. Sun Yat-sen wanted to assassinate Chen Jiongming, but because he was isolated and weak, no one listened to his assassination order. As a result, Sun Yat-sen was driven away by troops loyal to Chen Jiongming instead. At that time, the troops besieging the "Presidential Palace" didn't want Sun Yat-sen's life at all. They opened the main road to let Sun Yat-sen leave, only symbolically seizing the "Presidential Palace" as a statement. As a result, after Sun Yat-sen boarded the warship, he immediately ordered the warship to bombard Guangzhou city in retaliation for several days, killing hundreds of Guangzhou citizens. A "Grand President" who ordered warships to fire on citizens, Sun Yat-sen was also quite a unique one.

As for Sun Yat-sen's diehards killing the Restoration Society members madly after the Xinhai Revolution, including the mysterious assassination of Song Jiaoren, Sun Yat-sen's figure was always behind them. If Sun Yat-sen couldn't control these subordinates, it could only be said that Sun Yat-sen was incompetent. If Sun Yat-sen could effectively control these subordinates, then Sun Yat-sen was the mastermind, or at least approved of these people's actions. Moreover, in many materials Chen Ke saw, Sun Yat-sen already had the idea of "purging the Communists" before his death. It was only because he died at that time, and Chiang Kai-shek launched the April 12 counter-revolutionary coup to seize power later. Tracing the source, Sun Yat-sen absolutely couldn't get away with it.

The more materials he read, the lower Chen Ke's evaluation of Sun Yat-sen became. "Low character, vicious means." This was Chen Ke's impression of Sun Yat-sen. If there was a chance, Chen Ke felt he must strike first to remove Sun Yat-sen and his subordinates Chen Qimei, Chiang Kai-shek, and others. Without them, China would only be better.

Contrary to Fang Shengdong's desire to refute Chen Ke strongly, Luo Nailin praised, "Mr. Chen said it well." Everyone's eyes were originally on Chen Ke. Hearing Luo Nailin say this, Fang Shengdong's angry eyes fell on Luo Nailin's face.

Luo Nailin didn't care about others' gazes at all. He smiled, "Mr. Chen, these gentlemen are all from the Tongmenghui (Alliance Society). I am from the Restoration Society. Although everyone knows Mr. Huang Xing, we are not of the same party."

These words surprised Chen Ke greatly. He never knew the relationship between the Tongmenghui and the Restoration Society in 1907. But seeing the Tongmenghui killing the Restoration Society after the Xinhai Revolution, plus Luo Nailin's statement, it seemed that the contradiction between these two political parties was by no means only intensified after the Xinhai Revolution.

Luo Nailin continued, "Mr. Chen, I admire the People's Party greatly for being able to achieve so much. But I wonder what advice Mr. Chen has for calling us to Anhui. It can't be just to let us have a look."

"I originally heard that you are all revolutionary comrades, so I hoped everyone could join our People's Party and create a new world for the Chinese people. But our People's Party absolutely does not allow people in the Party to have dual political party identities. So I feel I was rash."

"Does Mr. Chen want us to join the People's Party?" Lin Juemin asked.

"Yes." Chen Ke looked at Lin Juemin, feeling quite pity in his heart. Chen Ke still cared about a figure like Lin Juemin.

Lin Juemin smiled. "I have joined neither the Tongmenghui nor the Restoration Society. I wonder if Mr. Chen can recruit me."

Seeing Lin Juemin's expression, Chen Ke knew that Lin Juemin had no intention of joining the People's Party at this time. He also smiled, "Our People's Party only recruits comrades who join voluntarily. And even if they join voluntarily, if they don't truly agree with our People's Party's revolutionary program, we won't recruit them either."

"May I ask what the political proposition of the People's Party is?"

"People's revolution, establishing a regime of people's democratic dictatorship."

"People's democratic dictatorship?" Lin Juemin put away his smile. "Democracy is democracy, dictatorship is dictatorship. How can it be both democratic and dictatorial? Is Mr. Chen telling a joke?"

"Then what does Brother Lin think democracy is?" Chen Ke also put away his smile.

Lin Juemin said seriously, "Naturally, it is a republican system, parliament electing representatives to govern the country. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity."

Chen Ke asked, "When has the parliamentary system ever been able to represent the people?"

"Members of parliament are elected by the people; how can they not represent the people?" Lin Juemin looked at Chen Ke with surprised eyes as he spoke. He didn't believe Chen Ke didn't even understand such a basic principle.

Chen Ke said seriously, "The parliamentary system is a place where various interest groups play games. How can such a place elect democratic representatives representing the interests of the people? For example, the members of parliament from Fujian, dare they propose a policy that is beneficial to the country to some extent but harms the interests of Fujian? For votes, they must represent, or at least superficially represent, the interests of the voters. How can you say such a system can elect representatives representing the interests of the entire Chinese people?"