Chen Ke had heard the saying, "Cutting off a man's wealth is worse than killing his parents." He thought this saying was both right and wrong. For China's landlord class and their descendants, some things looked very thought-provoking on the surface.

In the history of New China, the economic policy of the revolution was built on the foundation of "Land Reform." Land was fully confiscated and then distributed. After the complete destruction of the old land ownership system, the old social system also perished with it.

Chen Ke grew up in the late 20th century. The period when he began to have enough interest in politics was exactly the turn of the century when China was industrializing at high speed. In these years, Chen Ke met many people. These people's attitudes towards Land Reform were surprisingly consistent. Including Chen Ke, everyone believed this was necessary and just. Everyone's disagreement was merely whether the supporting policies of Land Reform were reasonable, whether the efficiency of productivity development was sufficient, and whether the ideological transformation after Land Reform was thorough. As for the destruction of the old landlord class, the crowd had not a shred of sympathy.

This consensus was not strange; what was strange was that the ancestors of many people, including Chen Ke, came from landlord backgrounds. "If there were still landlords, how rich would we be just relying on these lands?" Everyone occasionally joked like this. But when talking about the national level, these descendants of landlords fully expressed support for Land Reform. Because everyone was an urban class forged by the industrial age, everyone's thinking mode was completely an industrialization line of thought.

From the perspective of an industrial country, the landlord's production mode relying on land rent was too backward. As the backbone class of society back then, landlords occupied most of the means of production and grain. But they did not use these means of production and grain for industrial construction because the resources each landlord could take out were too few, simply insufficient to build an industrial system. Let alone that they had no industrial organization and thinking mode at all. Historical limitations doomed these country bumpkin landlords to be unable to spontaneously build China's industrial system.

If China in the 20th century wanted to confront foreign aggressors, if it wanted to defend its own country and people, it must industrialize. Since the old land system and the derivative landlord class were destined to be unable to realize this historical mission, in the eyes of industrial urban classes like Chen Ke, the old land system was a real sin. From the perspective of national liberation and development, landlords committed heinous crimes intentionally or unintentionally. The social system on which landlords relied for survival was a decadent system that must be thoroughly eliminated.

The productivity level of an industrial country is far higher than that of an agricultural country. Although "Land Reform" eliminated landlords, the industrial system built after Land Reform provided more opportunities, provided a higher standard of living, and provided a better lifestyle.

From the late Qing Dynasty in 1911 to New China in 1949, China's population did not grow much in these thirty-plus years, and China's average life expectancy actually dropped to over thirty years old. Among every three babies born, one would not live to three years old. And in the 60 years of the Republic, the population went from more than four hundred million to more than 1.3 billion. The population in 2011 was three times that of 1949. This was achieved on the basis of implementing large-scale family planning. The average life expectancy more than doubled. As for the quality of life, it was a level unimaginable in 1949.

It can be said that the Land Reform policy ended the old system of China and laid the cornerstone for the industrialization process of New China. So no matter how severe the Land Reform was, or if there were a tiny bit of things that didn't look so gentle now due to improper operation, Chen Ke still believed that Land Reform itself was absolutely correct, absolutely just, and absolutely necessary.

When Grandpa Mao formulated the Land Reform plan back then, he explicitly proposed the policy of "removing the landlord hat in five years." Liu Xiuyang, as the head of the "Capitalist Roaders" (*Zoupai*) in the Party, proceeding from the angle of industrial capital, believed that landlords must be rooted out completely. The bureaucratic system deviated greatly when executing the Land Reform policy; this was the historical limitation of the Capitalist Roaders represented by Liu Xiuyang. No matter what, it couldn't be blamed on Land Reform and Grandpa Mao.

But Chen Ke had no way to explain these clearly to the comrades, nor could he explain these clearly to those common people, let alone to the landlords and their families. For Chen Ke, everything in front of him was the "past." Unless Chen Ke could make China possess the strength and status of the first decade of the 21st century in his lifetime, otherwise, Chen Ke couldn't have any "future."

So in this summer of 1906, whether it was Landlord Zhang Youliang's family trembling in front of Chen Ke, or the Insurance Corps comrades looking solemn, waiting for Chen Ke's final decision and ready to implement it—Chen Ke knew deeply that his order would decide the future of both the enemy and us. He must take responsibility, not only to his own comrades but even to these current "enemies."

The path Chen Ke wanted to point out would decide the future of Fengtai County now. If Chen Ke successfully realized the revolution in his ideals, then Chen Ke's decision today would decide the future of China and the future of the world. For the comrades following him, Chen Ke had a responsibility. As a leader, Chen Ke had to lead them through layers of difficulties and dangers to land on the other shore of realizing an industrialized China. And for the enemies, for those people abandoned and sacrificed on the road Chen Ke strove to travel, if Chen Ke couldn't prove his path was successful, that his path could achieve the historical mission of China's rejuvenation, then the sacrifice of these abandoned and sacrificed people would become meaningless. If Chen Ke's decision was correct, he inevitably had to take responsibility for these people.

Chen Ke's ancestors were small and medium landlords more than a hundred years ago, but as early as the beginning of the 20th century, his ancestors sold a lot of land and then moved to the city. The children first received education in church schools opened by foreigners. After finishing high school, they finished majoring in machinery at the university opened by the Beiyang government, specializing in internal combustion engines. After the Japanese invaded China, all the children in Chen Ke's family defected to the Party. Because the patriarch at home commented, "The Communist Party looks like it will succeed at first glance." These elders who had received sufficient education followed the Party to fight unswervingly from then on, working diligently in the army and technical departments. Some elders sacrificed before the revolutionary victory, and some followed the Party all the way to liberate the whole of China.

If this was just the choice of the Chen Ke family determining Chen Ke's viewpoint, then for those landlord descendants Chen Ke knew who didn't follow the Party, their elders didn't follow the Party, but these people also firmly believed in the correctness and necessity of Land Reform. For such a result to appear, it can only be said that everyone has a scale in their hearts. The result of history has clearly proven the correctness of Land Reform and revolution, proving the success of the Chinese industrialization road opened up by these policies. So they accepted the correctness of this result and admitted the justice of the action that once destroyed their family property.

But the responsibility was so heavy. The base area was very weak now, relying entirely on natural disasters to intensify social contradictions and greatly weaken the old society's own order. To survive, the common people followed the Insurance Corps; to survive, everyone came to fight. To survive, those soldiers from decent families also learned to kick doors, learned to kill, and learned to use violent means to suppress and quell the captives' commotion when persuasion was ineffective.

To survive, they gathered under the banner of this new political party and new army that Chen Ke began to build. And this political party and army, after being built, had already begun to show the violence and ruthlessness peculiar to state machinery. Chen Ke stepped over this psychological burden because history had already proven to him: "A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another."

"If the broom doesn't reach, the dust won't run away by itself." Without using revolutionary violence, the revolution cannot proceed. If you don't destroy the enemy, you will be destroyed by the enemy. Zhang Youliang and his family had been caught now, but "releasing a tiger back to the mountain" was unacceptable. The Zhang family might not be any amazing force, but if they were allowed to start acting freely, they would counterattack.

Then perhaps they should be rooted out completely.

Just as Chen Ke thought of this, he heard Xu Dian speak anxiously. "Battalion Commander Chen, we can't kill them all." Perhaps feeling his voice was too loud, Xu Dian hurriedly lowered his voice, "It's not that we can't kill them now, but if we kill them all now, what will others think? Others will think that whoever offends us, we kill them all. That will only make others think we have no tolerance. Correct, if we let the Zhang family go, they will definitely make trouble. But as long as we guard their family members, they will at least hesitate for fear of hurting the hostages and dare not act rashly. Even if they go to file a complaint, we have ways to suppress them. Absolutely possible. We... we are not without people above us."

Xu Dian looked at Chen Ke as he spoke. Just now, the expression on Chen Ke's face was indescribably calm. Xu Dian had never seen such an expression. This was the expression and posture that had once made Wu Xingchen shudder. This was an expression and posture of abandoning all one's own thoughts and merely expounding a truth. And this attitude was truly terrifying. Chen Ke at this moment didn't look like a living human being at all, but seemed possessed by something, emitting a resolute attitude.

Other comrades felt a heavy atmosphere, and Xu Dian had already guessed Chen Ke's mind to get rid of the Zhang family. In the morning, Xu Dian and Hua Xiongmao arrived at the Zhang family together. They fought a bloody path out of the Zhang family to survive. But Xu Dian didn't think some things needed to be done so thoroughly.

"Going too far is as bad as falling short (*Guo you bu ji*), Battalion Commander Chen. Although heavy punishment is used in troubled times, killing them requires a reason. To save the people and obtain land, we took action against the Zhang family. When the Zhang family resisted, we killed them, and that was it. But most landlords in the county didn't resist us. If we get rid of the Zhang family, what will those people think? Are we going to kill all those people too? Battalion Commander, it's not that we can't kill, but we can't kill them all without a reason."

Hearing Xu Dian's words, Chen Ke breathed a sigh of relief lightly. These words were very reasonable. Although there were no more operational suggestions, Chen Ke accepted this explanation.

"Wenqing, uh, Battalion Commander Chen. I suggest we move the Insurance Corps headquarters from the county town to Yuezhangji. It's close to the county town here, so we can know quickly if there is any disturbance. Besides, the situation here is also good, with mountains and water; it's a good place. Let's guard the Zhang family first. We'll decide the final plan later." Hua Xiongmao also said.

Chen Ke nodded, "Then let's do this first. Everyone go confiscate the Zhang family's grain and wealth first. Our Insurance Corps keeps half, and the other half will be distributed to the local common people. For those who came from outside, distribute a share to them according to the distance of their homes. These people put in a lot of effort; they can't leave empty-handed when they go home."

Seeing Chen Ke had returned to the usual orderly situation, and the assignment of tasks was reasonable and humane, all cadres breathed a sigh of relief.

But Chen Ke suddenly said loudly: "I have always told everyone that we want to establish a new order. What is a new order? I can explain it clearly to everyone. Starting today, in all the territories under the jurisdiction of our People's Party, there are only the common people and the government led by our People's Party. The People's Party leads the people directly, leading everyone to live a good life together. May the tiller have his field, and the laborer have his job. But those who want to rely on occupying land and factories to make themselves rich will never have the opportunity to do so again." Speaking of this, Chen Ke raised his left arm straight, his left index finger pointing straight to the sky above, "Comrades, this sky has changed!"

Among the comrades surrounding Chen Ke, only a very few could vaguely understand the economic and political concepts Chen Ke expounded in these words, but they all knew Chen Ke had set the keynote for the People's Party and the Insurance Corps. Just then, a gust of strong wind blew from the lake. It was already the Beginning of Autumn (*Liqiu*), and the temperature after the flood wasn't high. Everyone's clothes were thin; blown by this wind, everyone shivered. It was unknown whether they felt a trace of chill, or felt high-spirited about the sentence "The sky has changed!"

"Eighteen days after the Beginning of Autumn, every inch of grass bears seeds. Tomorrow we will start organizing rush-planting. If we can't grow grain this year, our Insurance Corps and the tens of thousands of people under our banner won't be able to survive this winter. Are comrades ready?" Chen Ke asked loudly.

"Yes!" Hua Xiongmao took the lead to stand at attention and salute Chen Ke. One by one, the officers stood at attention and saluted Chen Ke.

Chen Ke waved his hand, "Everyone go confiscate the Zhang family."