When Chen Ke informed Qiu Jin that the Hubei New Army was about to come to suppress the "Anqing Revolution," Qiu Jin's first feeling was actually a sense of "unreality." Qiu Jin was not mentally prepared for war. She knew the war had already begun; on the night of the Battle of Anqing, Qiu Jin was taking care of the terrified female students in the Girls' School. The sound of guns and cannons, shouts, and screams outside the school, as well as the crying and screaming of female students inside the school, all left a deep impression on Qiu Jin. In addition, the smell of gunpowder smoke and blood remaining in the air the next day, and the scars left by the war on Anqing City, all made Qiu Jin, a revolutionary, see the war.

But until now, Qiu Jin was still just a bystander rather than a participant in the war. Hearing Chen Ke tell her that the Hubei New Army had moved out and a new war was about to break out, Qiu Jin's breathing couldn't help but become rapid. She had also discussed with other cadres of the Guangfuhui facing the map. The Hubei New Army was upstream of Anqing and would inevitably go downstream with the current. The first to bear the brunt would be Anqing defended by the Yuewang Society, not Chizhou occupied by the Guangfuhui. But this was only a consideration on paper. Chizhou was not far from Anqing; if the Hubei New Army was frustrated in attacking Anqing and turned to attack Chizhou, the Guangfuhui couldn't count on receiving support from the Yuewang Society.

"Wen Qing, where did you get this news?" Qiu Jin asked nervously.

Chen Ke thought for a while before answering this question. "This is news obtained by our intelligence agency in Hubei. But we don't know exactly when it will be. It is estimated that the Hubei New Army will move out within a month at the latest."

This wasn't Chen Ke deliberately keeping people in suspense, but he really didn't know. The intelligence system of the People's Party was not considered "powerful." Chen Ke believed that the purpose of the intelligence system was to collect basic intelligence from various places, such as grain prices, supply levels, lists of local governments, and the location, quantity, and equipment of stationed troops. After entering the industrial age, the intelligence system was more about having a detailed understanding of the enemy's infrastructure and public sentiment. As for the proportion of so-called "classified intelligence," it was not that large. Due to the continuous rise in the intensity and severity of war, and the tighter composition of the whole society, a new intelligence system was an inevitable trend. Moreover, Chen Ke didn't have the time and connections to "penetrate into the enemy" now; he could only organize a simple intelligence system.

Of course, Chen Ke couldn't even tell Qiu Jin clearly that the purpose of this intelligence system was not even for war, but for the economy. The economy of the base area was an industrialized organizational model, that is to say, the products produced in the base area were for "trading." Wuhan and Wuhu along the Yangtze River were both trading ports; Chen Ke established the intelligence system to invest in product sales effectively in these areas and earn profits.

Qiu Jin obviously didn't realize the many pieces of information implied in Chen Ke's answer. At this time, she was completely immersed in her own imagination space.

"Within a month?" Qiu Jin first subconsciously beat her leg with her fist, then stood up and paced back and forth in Chen Ke's office. She looked up and saw the map of China in Chen Ke's office; she hurriedly rushed over and studied the map.

Qiu Jin's performance disappointed Chen Ke very much. Could this performance be called "embracing Buddha's feet only when in trouble" [making a last-minute effort]? If so, what Qiu Jin would do next would make Chen Ke very difficult.

Sure enough, studying the map, Qiu Jin looked more and more excited. She turned her head abruptly, staring at Chen Ke closely. "Wen Qing, you have to help us!"

Hearing this, Chen Ke couldn't help lowering his head. He thought in his heart: This isn't borrowing money, Sister Qiu. You definitely want me to help you defend Chizhou, and further let me help you make the revolution successful. Why should I help you? If I had this ability, why did I give up Chizhou in the first place?

Thinking of this, Chen Ke felt he must dispel Qiu Jin's unrealistic fantasy solidly. He raised his head and looked at Qiu Jin's expectant eyes. "Does Teacher Qiu have any plans?"

Qiu Jin didn't know Chen Ke's thoughts. She said loudly completely according to her most instinctive thoughts now: "Wen Qing, you have to send troops to help me."

Sure enough, Chen Ke sighed in his heart. He asked: "Teacher Qiu, how many troops do you think can win this battle?"

Qiu Jin didn't hear the firm refusal in Chen Ke's words at all. Hearing Chen Ke's inquiry, she even thought Chen Ke's words meant agreeing to lend troops. Qiu Jin's face immediately showed excitement. "I want five thousand people. No, seven thousand people. As long as there are seven thousand people, we can not only repel the Hubei New Army, we can even attack Wuhu."

Hearing this, Chen Ke only felt he said the wrong thing; he shouldn't have let Qiu Jin have illusions at all. If it were a cadre of the People's Party, hearing his words would immediately know this meant firm refusal. He was used to talking to comrades, and respected Qiu Jin very much usually, so he softened his heart and didn't explain clearly. Since he made the first mistake, he absolutely couldn't make the second one. Chen Ke hardened his heart and said calmly: "Teacher Qiu, I can't take out a single soldier now. Don't mention the matter of borrowing troops again."

"What?" Qiu Jin never expected Chen Ke to answer like this. Her eyes widened immediately, filled with shock.

After speaking the words of complete refusal, Chen Ke felt relaxed instead. He continued: "Our base area itself is still extremely short of troops; there is no military strength to support you at all. So, I want Teacher Qiu to set off for Chizhou now and tell Mr. Tao Chengzhang and Mr. Xu Xilin that since your lack of troops is such that you actually want to borrow troops from us hundreds of li away, then simply don't fight the Hubei New Army head-on. Take the troops to scour Chizhou immediately and retreat to the Jiangsu and Zhejiang area. If you retreat late, the little military strength you gathered so hard will also be wasted."

Qiu Jin was furious at Chen Ke's words. She saw the huge power of the People's Party with her own eyes in the base area these days, tens of thousands of troops and millions of obedient common people. This was the revolution Qiu Jin dreamed of. Since seizing Chizhou, the Guangfuhui also began to try its own revolutionary rule in Chizhou City. Tao Chengzhang, Xu Xilin, and Qiu Jin were busy all day long. The situation everyone faced could be simply described as "gentry don't buy it, people don't obey."

Although the Guangfuhui also organized speeches and invited prominent figures to talk, telling them a new revolutionary government was established. After overthrowing the Manchu Qing, the common people of Chizhou City could live a better life. But the gentry and common people responded to the Guangfuhui's efforts with "flight." Although the Guangfuhui set up gate checkpoints, people tried to escape from Chizhou City every day. Before Qiu Jin left for Fengtai County, the remaining population in Chizhou City was less than 70% of the original. Those remaining in Chizhou City were roughly of two types: one type had big families and businesses and couldn't escape, and the other type had nothing and didn't need to escape.

When the Guangfuhui discussed this matter internally, they reached a "consensus": without population, a larger-scale army cannot be organized; without a larger-scale army, effective management and defense cannot be organized; without effective management and defense, population outflow cannot be stopped even more. This is a vicious circle. One of the reasons why Tao Chengzhang sent Qiu Jin to Fengtai County was hoping to get manpower support from the People's Party, or at least hope to guide how the People's Party organized its own base area.

The suggestion given by Chen Ke now conformed to the Guangfuhui's cognition of the status quo in Chizhou. Only one point was different: all efforts of the Guangfuhui were to keep Chizhou. And Chen Ke's suggestion was to abandon Chizhou completely. regarding Chen Ke's suggestion, Qiu Jin scolded sternly: "We will absolutely not give up Chizhou!"

"Teacher Qiu, do you want to overthrow the Manchu Qing? Do you really want to overthrow the Manchu Qing?" Chen Ke asked.

"What are you saying? Our revolution is of course to overthrow the Manchu Qing." Qiu Jin's voice became even sharper.

"Then let me ask you, do you think it is better for you to be completely eliminated by the Manchu Qing in Chizhou? Or is it better to leave Chizhou and make the Manchu Qing feel like a fishbone stuck in the throat? Since the Guangfuhui has occupied Chizhou, just this reputation can make the Manchu Qing tremble with fear. As long as you are still alive and haven't been caught by the Manchu Qing, they will be unable to sleep at night. Comparing these two, which one is the real blow to the Manchu Qing? Moreover, your team has been rectified for so long and is much stronger than before. With such a batch of core members, there are plenty of places to attack. If you can't attack big cities, can you attack small county towns? The Manchu Qing is beaten by you today, and beaten by you tomorrow. Once the big army moves, the consumption is huge. Not to mention anything else, just the military expenditure spent on the road can make the Manchu Qing go bankrupt."

Qiu Jin really didn't expect Chen Ke to propose such a strange point of view, and couldn't think of a rebuttal for a while.

"Teacher Qiu, as long as the Manchu Qing takes Anqing and Chizhou, they will definitely attack our base area. Did you decide to set off now to report the news? Or are you prepared to stay in our base area and fight the Manchu Qing with us? You have to give me a result today, so I can determine whether to send someone to escort you back."

"Wen Qing, are you worried about the Manchu Qing attacking Fengtai County?" Hearing Chen Ke's words, Qiu Jin thought of this point.

"The Manchu Qing won't let you go; can they let us go?" Chen Ke laughed. "We are about to have a meeting soon; I have no time to say more. Teacher Qiu, think about it carefully."

After almost forcibly sending Qiu Jin out, the comrades of the Military Commission who had been waiting impatiently next door saw Chen Ke walk into the conference room. Chai Qingguo asked immediately: "Chairman Chen, how long do you think that bunch in Anqing can hold on?"

Chen Ke laughed: "If we defend Anqing, it's not a matter of how long we hold on, but how long the Manchu Qing can hold on. If it's that bunch in Anqing, I don't know. This has to be asked of Comrade Pu Guanshui; he is familiar with the New Army."

Chai Qingguo didn't care about Anqing matters at all. He continued to ask: "Then how do we deal with the Manchu Qing siege?"

Chen Ke laughed: "Qingguo, recite the 16-Character Mantra for me."

"The enemy advances, we retreat; the enemy camps, we harass; the enemy retreats, we pursue; the enemy tires, we attack." This was the basic course of the military academy. Chai Qingguo recited it fluently. Then he continued: "Chairman Chen, this is common sense. Can we beat the Manchu Qing relying on this?"

Not only Chai Qingguo, but other Military Commission comrades also stared at Chen Ke. Everyone didn't have Chen Ke's insight based on history, and the ability to link theory with practice was still insufficient. Although they won a big victory in Anqing and everyone felt they could beat the Manchu Qing army, Chen Ke had emphasized many times before that the strength of the Qing army in field battles might not be below the Worker-Peasant Revolutionary Army. Thinking that tens of thousands of Qing troops were about to besiege the base area on a large scale, none of the Military Commission comrades could maintain a calm state of mind.

Looking at the anxious looks of the comrades, Chen Ke felt it was time to explain to everyone some questions he didn't clarify at the time.

"Comrades, this meeting will be a top-secret meeting. Since it is a top-secret meeting, I think everyone should know the confidentiality regulations."

Hearing Chen Ke say this, excited looks appeared on the faces of the Military Commission comrades. For so long, the Military Commission had only made such a request once, during the campaign to attack Anqing. Since Chen Ke mentioned this confidentiality level issue again, this meant Chen Ke already had a comprehensive plan. Everyone was very confident in Chen Ke's strategic planning ability.

Seeing everyone had confirmed the confidentiality issue of this military meeting, Chen Ke continued: "When we launched the Battle of Anqing, the primary purpose was to obtain our own strategic initiative. The Manchu Qing government is an extremely evil and dirty government. They have a great characteristic, which is being keen on inciting inter-provincial contradictions. They hope every province regards neighboring provinces as enemies. Their purpose in doing so is to prevent everyone from uniting, so that no joint force will be formed to deal with the Manchu Qing government."

The comrades had heard Chen Ke talk about this matter. Now that Chen Ke mentioned it again, quite a few comrades already vaguely felt what Chen Ke was going to say. At least Hua Xiongmao, Chai Qingguo, Yan Fu, and Zhang Yu showed expressions of understanding.

"Now the Anhui New Army no longer exists. The Manchu Qing garrisons around the base area have also been swept away. The troops sent by the Manchu Qing can only be troops from other provinces. That is to say, before these troops from other provinces fight to our base area, the first thing they will harm is the local common people of Anhui. As the saying goes, 'bandits pass like a comb, soldiers pass like a grate, officials pass like a razor.' Plus the contradictions between provinces deliberately created by the Manchu Qing, how do you think this group of foreign provincial bandit soldiers of the Manchu Qing will harm the local common people of Anhui along the way?"

Everyone originally had this vague feeling. Now hearing Chen Ke say this, they all had a feeling of sudden realization. But Pu Guanshui couldn't help raising an objection: "I stayed in the Beiyang New Army; Beiyang's treatment is very good. Military discipline is also passable. If the Beiyang New Army comes, I think they may not necessarily harm the common people like this."

regarding Pu Guanshui's worry, Chen Ke smiled. "The Beiyang New Army might not harm the common people of Anhui too much. The problem is, how much does it cost for the Beiyang New Army to move out once? Does the Manchu Qing have money? How many Beiyang New Army troops can they mobilize to fight all the way from Hebei and Shandong to our base area? Their number will absolutely not be too many. We can deal with small-scale Beiyang New Army. The New Army in other places doesn't have the financial resources of Beiyang Zhili; they will inevitably loot in Anhui. Do you think what I said makes sense?"

Hearing this, comrades including Pu Guanshui nodded in agreement.

"Then let's return to the 16-Character Mantra. The 16-Character Mantra has an unspoken key point, which is the intelligence problem. The intelligence sources of the Manchu Qing are officials, gentry who support them, and other forces bought by them. And the Manchu Qing does poorly in this regard. After the Manchu Qing bandit soldiers enter the base area and start harming the common people, they have alienated themselves from the people. The people will absolutely not stand on the side of the Manchu Qing. Without the support of the people, the Manchu Qing troops are blind and deaf. What about our People's Party? Can we get the support of the people? Everyone should know in their hearts. So we can use the 16-Character Mantra, while the Manchu Qing troops absolutely cannot do it."

The Military Commission comrades already knew before the meeting that the Manchu Qing began military operations, and everyone was quite nervous. After listening to Chen Ke's analysis, the worry in the comrades' hearts had dissipated by more than half. Yan Fu couldn't help praising: "Hearing Wen Qing analyze like this, indeed 'people in the boat are all enemies'." Hua Xiongmao and Pu Guanshui immediately nodded in agreement; they agreed very much with Yan Fu's evaluation. These people had received a considerable degree of education and had read the *Records of the Grand Historian*. Yan Fu quoted a passage Wu Qi said to Marquess Wu of Wei.

Chai Qingguo had not received such profound cultural education. Originally because of some past events, Chai Qingguo's opinion of Chen Ke was not very good. Moreover, starting from the Insurance Corps era, the treatment of the troops was also quite hard. But since the rush planting and harvesting were completed, Chai Qingguo obeyed Chen Ke much more. Especially after the complete victory of the Battle of Anqing vigorously promoted by Chen Ke, Chai Qingguo's attitude towards Chen Ke changed greatly, from the original attitude of barely cooperating to firm support. He didn't understand Yan Fu's words, but Chai Qingguo was still very excited. "Let's hurry up and mobilize the troops now to help the common people of the base area complete the spring plowing before the enemy attacks."

This was actually what Chen Ke wanted to hear most. Chai Qingguo proposed letting the army help the common people complete spring plowing as soon as possible, which actually implied the meaning of letting the troops quickly enter the combat readiness period.

The people are the most pragmatic. No matter what you say with your mouth, the people can see through at a glance whether you are sincerely considering from the perspective of the people's interests in actual action. This was also one of the reasons why Chen Ke dared not carry out overly theoretical education after taking comrades to the base area. Marxism is great, and the ideal of communism is also very lofty; Chen Ke always thought so. However, if this is treated as political absolute correctness from the beginning, this itself violates Marx's discussion on relative truth.

The problem facing the base area now is first to develop productive forces by promoting the new system. Land reform and redistribution of land can certainly solve the problem of "not worrying about scarcity but about inequality," but what the people want is to eat more. If the level of productive forces cannot be improved to make the people's lives better than before, then the number of beneficiaries in the process of promoting land reform is still very limited. The disaster year has passed; the model of forcibly extracting labor force like last year is fundamentally unsustainable. To invest more labor force, besides the promotion of new farm tools, we can only rely on the revolutionary army to provide sufficient support.

Chen Ke spent great effort on army building. The compulsory knowledge education within the army was not to create an army with "highly educated qualifications," but to make this army itself possess stronger production capabilities. Whether civil engineering or organizational discipline, the improvement of these capabilities of the army means a great increase in production efficiency. This is the real power possessed by the People's Party.

In the war that is about to unfold, without the support of the people, there is no future for the People's Party. And to get the support of the people, the People's Party and the Worker-Peasant Revolutionary Army commanded by the People's Party must let the people gain benefits. Someone might say the people are short-sighted, but Chen Ke doesn't think so now. The people have suffered for thousands of years and endured thousands of years of sin. Without this short-sightedness, the people would have died without a burial place long ago. Since the People's Party takes liberating the people as its fundamental purpose, then the People's Party has the obligation to bear this toil and suffering. This consciousness of daring to bear suffering is the awareness that People's Party members should have.

"Then the Military Commission should grasp firmly to complete the matter of helping spring plowing. Including the troop's farms, we cannot slack off either." Chen Ke issued the order.